"The Power Elite" begins its examination of the power structure in America by looking at local systems of elites. These microcosms of power, much more common in the earlier era of our country, constituted numerous bases of influence across the country. These people were the ones who owned the local mills, or worked as the local lawyer or doctor. They often owned land and saw themselves as the height of local society. But as America grew in size, these local elites gave way to a nationalized power structure that overrode the old, regional ruling constructions. In the process of showing how regional elites eventually formed a national system, Mills examines the old moneyed classes in the United States, how the powerful and wealthy set up networks of influence through elite schools, and how the power elites recruited new members through such institutions as corporations and government service. If I had to sum up the first few sections of this book, I would say that Mills is trying to show how scattered the power elite was in the earlier stages of this country's history.
The first part of this book tends to move slowly, and isn't nearly as interesting as the second half when Mills discusses the rise of the military, government, and corporate hierarchies. According to Mills, these three institutions now form a contiguous whole as far as managing the country goes. Moreover, people inhabiting any of these three structures often move between them with seeming ease. Isn't it funny that Colin Powell, a lifelong military officer, suddenly finds himself in the political world as Secretary of State? Or how Dick Cheney, Condoleeza Rice, and Donald Rumsfeld move between the corporate and political worlds with such simplicity? I'm not picking on the current administration, as EVERY administration regardless of political stripe does this, but these specific examples are indicative of what Mills argues in this book: that the three hierarchies of power in the United States are interlocking, and that the people at the highest levels of these institutions look after one another and do each other favors because they share the same experiences, backgrounds, and aspirations. They all share the same attitudes, the same sense of "sound judgment" necessary to manage society.
As if this thesis isn't chilling enough, Mills includes a couple of chapters about the role of society. In this section of the book, the author concerns himself with the concept of masses versus publics. A mass is essentially a population that receives opinions from elites through controlled communication systems instead of expressing their own ideas. In a mass society, the mass "has no autonomy from institutions," which further inhibits opinion. A public, on the other hand, is the exact opposite of a mass. Opinions are not received through media systems, but arise from open debate through open communications systems. Institutions do not excessively restrict the autonomy of a public, either, because the public doesn't need to rely heavily on institutions to lead them.
I think anyone with an iota of common sense knows where we stand today in terms of Mills's definitions. The United States, that great, immutable bulwark of freedom, is instead a mass of some 260 million souls effectively controlled through the corporate media systems. Sure, one can argue that the people vote officials out of political office, but has that really changed anything? And sure, the Internet does allow nearly anyone with access to a computer a forum for virtually any topic, but it will take more than a few e-mails tacked on to the end of every news opinion program on the media outlets to convince me that we do not essentially receive our opinions. Besides, leaders tell us nearly every day that we are cattle: every time you hear the word "democracy" fall out of an elite's mouth, just remember that democracy means "mob rule," in this case, the American mob ruled by the power elites.
So what do we do? That's one of the great failings in Mills's analysis of the power hierarchies: he never provides any solutions to the problems of a managed society. There is a reference to the idea that bureaucracies ought to be run by individuals who rise through merit instead of through elite appointment, but that's about the only recommendation the author makes. I am suspicious of bureaucracies anyway, so Mills's idea on this topic fails to satisfy me. The New Left did try to use the information contained in "The Power Elite" to affect change, ultimately failing due to a clash of egos and a useless foray into communism. There is one word that may solve the problem, a word many will reject outright: revolution. Mills never calls for it, and that may be the biggest disappointment concerning his analysis. Anyway, this is an illuminating book for readers on both sides of the political spectrum. It is disappointing to see so few reviews for such an insightful book.