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The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
Naomi Klein

Metropolitan Books, 2007 - 576 pages

average customer review:based on 215 reviews
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   highly recommended  highly recommended





Spot on

This book is the most insightful I've read thus far in terms of explaining the current phenomenon in Iraq - a perpetual state of war, with all of the accoutrements; no burdensome regulations, oversight, or accountability - just a wild-west of profiteering.

When coupled with her accounts of the South American / Central American projects, along with the U.S response to hurricane Katrina, it's obvious indeed where we are headed.

What's sad is that many of the GOP lemmings will never see this - as George Lakoff wrote in his excellent book "Don't Think of an Elephant", "the facts will simply bounce right off of them."

Well done, Ms. Klein.



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A MUST READ!!!!!!!!

This book is absolutely BRILLIANT in its analysis of the subject matter and I recommend it very, very highly. I wish I could give it ten stars! The message of the book is more than relevant to the times.









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Profiting From Disaster

Ideology aside, I consider this to be one of the most important books of our time. The reason I started off the way I did is that many people will react to Naomi Klein's book based on their political leanings. In fact, before starting this book, I was inclined to disagree with her premise -that Chicago School economics can be directly tied to oppressive regimes in many parts of the world. This book, however, thoroughly proves this disconcerting truth. The Shock Doctrine is also a brilliant expose and an elegant model which enables us to understand modern history in a new way.

I had originally seen a short video online that summarized the ideas of this book, and my first reaction (again, before reading the book) was that this must be a typical leftist rant, making an abstruse analogy between an economic system with which the author disagrees and real life practices like torture and shock treatment. As someone who was raised, or at least self-raised as basically a libertarian, I did not want to believe Klein's argument. In fact, the only reason I bothered to read the book is that I liked her earlier book, No Logo so much. She is one of the few writers on political and economic subjects whom I actually enjoy reading. Her style is so lucid that, even if I don't agree with some of her ideas, I understand where she is coming from and enjoy following her reasoning.

Alas, there is nothing abstract, symbolic or abstruse about The Shock Doctrine. Nor is it any kind of conspiracy theory, as one reviewer oddly remarked. Everything in this book is well documented, and most of the references are anything but obscure. You can find almost everything that is written about here by going back over newspapers of the last few decades. The fact is, recent oppressive regimes in South America, Eastern Europe and Asia built their systems around the ideas of Milton Friedman and Chicago School economics. This is not a theory or an accusation, but a matter of public record. The only thing that we can dispute and speculate over is whether or not Milton Friedman (and his Chicago School disciples) really approved of the actions of tyrants like Pinochet. In the end, does this really matter?

Again, when I first saw the video based on this book, I was skeptical, especially when I watched graphic footage of people being tortured and then told that there is a nearly perfect analogy between the literal shocking of political prisoners and the economic "shock therapy" inflicted on many nations. The reason this book overcame my skepticism is that these practices really were carried out in a symmetrical manner. That is, individuals were being tortured (by people who studied manuals on shock therapy, devised by a real life "mad doctor" named Ewen Cameron) at the same time their governments were conspiring with Chicago School luminaries.

Advocates of free market economics have always said that we must separate economic and political freedom. For example, we can be horrified by the actions of a Pinochet and yet admire the "economic freedom" that exists under such a regime.
I think one of the most impressive achievements of The Shock Doctrine is the way it discredits this widely held assumption. Even assuming that Chicago School ideas represent the ultimate in economic freedom, is it right, even by libertarian standards, to force such freedom on people who don't want it? The idea of forcing people to be free is an oxymoron, and yet this seems to be the mentality of the U.S. government, World Bank and other supposed defenders of freedom when implementing their strategies in the Third World.

Hardcore libertarians will argue that nothing in this book is a refutation of free market capitalism because none of the examples given are true examples of pure laissez faire capitalism. As someone who would have said this myself twenty years ago, I would now simply ask, what difference does it make? Similar arguments are made by dogmatic Marxists concerning the atrocities of Mao and Stalin (they weren't "really" communists). If we are shown, time after time, that a given ideology is used as a justification for implementing policies that include torture, the murder of dissidents and wide-scale corruption, it may be time to rethink that ideology.

Naomi Klein is an advocate of a "Third Way" between capitalism and communism. Examples of this include the relatively free but socialistic Scandinavian nations. Personally, I don't find these rather bureaucratic societies very attractive, being something of a hardcore anarcho-capitalist in my heart. Yet if people genuinely want a society that looks like modern day Sweden or Venezuela, do I (or the U.S. government) have the right to say they can't have it?

The Shock Doctrine illustrates something that goes beyond politics and ideology. I don't really believe that the people in government, industry and the World Bank, who are responsible for many of the atrocities Klein documents, are actually believers in Chicago School economics, laissez faire or any other system. What they want is wealth and power, and they use ideology as a justification for their actions.

If we put aside the political theory and look at the actions and strategies this book catalogs, we see a clear pattern. These people, as Klein documents, use war, terrorist attacks, natural disasters and the like as opportunities to exploit the masses. This is not a mere hypothesis, for there are ample quotes in the book where this doctrine is openly admitted by those who carry it out. Klein stops short of conspiracy theory, the kind that claims that catastrophic events (such as 9/11 and even natural disasters) were orchestrated by those who later exploited them. Whether Klein's more moderate position or the conspiratorial one is closer to the truth is ultimately of secondary importance. The fact is, those at the top of the power structure use disasters as opportunities to increase their wealth and power.

The beauty of this book is that it presents a coherent picture of American (and allied nations) foreign policy and, to some extent, domestic policy -- the Patriot Act and the Katrina tragedy are also described -- that clearly explains the modus operandi of the power elite. It doesn't matter what kind of political system you think is ideal. This is what is really happening. The book concludes on an upbeat note, as hard to believe as that might seem. There is evidence that as people wise up to the shock doctrine strategy, it will become less effective. Hopefully, many people will read this book and the process will be accelerated.


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Very thought provoking

I got this book for Christmas and have been reading on it ever since. Unlike people who devoured the book, it has taken me some time to digest this.

Klein has an overarching theory about Shock doctrine and how shock--whether it be physical or psychological or economic--can create a vaccuum because the shocked person(s) are relatively in acute crisis and that allows for draconian measures to be instituted. I suspect that people who do not like the book get hung up on this over-arching theory. I have been slow to buy it and yet there is something there even if it does not attain the status of grand theory--an overarching idea that explains "everything".

And yet, I would urge readers to make peace with this relative flaw and just read the book.

There is something here. She is not "all wrong". I guess in my view of humanity, I would say that Frideman's followers have not been enthusiastic about embracing the pain they have inflicted. Like many flawed people they have minimized and refused to look at the harms their theory inflicts. (the same can be said for many theories of economics and other fields) But she makes a case for it and it is real.

Now I am about two thirds of the way through the book, where I am reading the chapter about Corporatist government. The revelations of this chapter are worth the price of the book and yet to read it in isolation probably won't get you there. The book is an interelated whole. But here she asks some very important questions. If (as she successfully posits) the interests of the government and the interest of big business get conflated and become one in the same, what are the incentives for peace? Corollary questions can be asked: what are the incentives for the government to take care of people as a whole? To see a healthy nation? To provide jobs that provide a just wage and a promise of a future?

In my own field I was stunned to go the CDC web page this winter in the midst of the flu season and to find, on a public information page about influenza, an unprecedented emphasis on anti-viral agents such as Tamiflu. The mainstay of public health approaches to influenza have been prevention in the form of the vaccine and self imposed quarantine and goodhandwashing, to name the highlights. And here was this emphasis on getting in to your doctor to get Tamiflu at the first indication of influenza.

In this particular chapter, Klein talks about how, in an unprecedented way politicians have maintained their connections to business interests (sitting on boards, on the payroll, holding controlling stock interests) WHILE IN OFFICE. Their policy choices have directly impacted ultimately their own bottom line and not unimpressively! So it is a minor point in this chapter that VP CHeney sits on the board of the company that makes...Tamiflu!!! Ta-da! Business interests triumph and public health practice changes. And believe me, Tamiflu is a drop in the bucket of the profits that Cheney and his ilk have seen from being in a position that allows individuals to create policy from which they ultimately profit. This should be concerning to anyone no matter on which end of the political spectrum they count themself.

Read the book. Read it in little bits if that is all you can tolerate. This lady has something important to say.


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Corporations gone wild

This book presents a gripping portrait of what corporations seek to do when they have no restraints upon them. Klein's analysis of corporations and the Iraq war is the best I have seen. The book is worth buying for this alone.

Much of the book is devoted to historical analysis of events over the last few decades in Chile, Argentina, Russia, and the like. I don't have enough background in the recent history of these countries to be certain how much of what Klein describes is accurate. Her analysis strikes me as plausible enough, though, to be worth serious consideration at the very least.

I have a long-standing interest in economics, so that I feel qualified to comment on Klein's approach. Klein is quite correct that modern mainstream economics has lost its way. Mainstream economics worships the global free market, in the face of a remarkable lack of evidence that worldwide free markets make ordinary citizens happier or more prosperous. For more on this, I would suggest Robert Lane's book The Loss of Happiness in Market Democracies. Most economic development schemes today assume that the best way to develop an economy is through increasing long-distance export and import. Unfortunately, basing a local economy on long-distance shipment of goods leaves a country's prosperity completely vulnerable to events occurring thousands of miles away. It also undermines local social cohesion, which is based in large part on local economic interdependence. The doctrine of comparative advantage, which is drummed into every first-year economics student today, takes none of this into account.

I have no quarrel with the idea that some government regulations are stupid and destructive. Some are. Unfortunately, many of today's politicians and economists are too lazy to do the necessary work to sort out which regulations are good and which bad. Therefore they want to toss out all government regulation and privatize as many government functions as possible. This idea is more dangerous than many people realize. Taken to an extreme, it is essentially feudalism.

One of Klein's main points is that for any country's economy, rapid change is usually extremely destructive. This is true even if the changes are valuable and necessary in themselves. I think Klein is convincing here.

Klein does miss some things. She puts too much emphasis on GDP as a measure of economic prosperity. The problem with GDP is that it is calculated essentially by counting up what people spend. GDP ignores population increases, the drawdown of natural resources, and declining quality of life. GDP is essentially the corporate view of what an economy should be like. Ordinary people should feel free to ignore GDP statistics.

Klein is correct that often the people do know better than corporations what they need. Unfortunately, in some cases the people have had the wool pulled over their eyes by corporations for so long that corporate-friendly policies are more popular than they should be. While Klein does not mention this, an example is the long-standing love affair of the American people with the automobile. Automobiles are great for corporations. Corporations build cars, parking lots, and highways. Unfortunately, a transportation system based largely on cars is extremely destructive to American cities, to social and family life, and even to government, which subsidizes cars to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars every year. Worse, this corporate-friendly transportation system has resulted in making the country utterly dependent on ever-shrinking oil reserves. For more on this, see James Kunstler's books The Geography of Nowhere: The Rise and Decline of America's Man-Made Landscape and The Long Emergency: Surviving the End of Oil, Climate Change, and Other Converging Catastrophes of the Twenty-First Century, and Donald Shoup's book The High Cost of Free Parking.

Overall, though, Klein's book should not be missed. Read it even if you don't agree.





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reviews: page 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10



The bestselling author of No Logo shows how the global free market has exploited crises and shock for three decades, from Chile to Iraq


In her groundbreaking reporting over the past few years, Naomi Klein introduced the term disaster capitalism. Whether covering Baghdad after the U.S. occupation, Sri Lanka in the wake of the tsunami, or New Orleans post-Katrina, she witnessed something remarkably similar. People still reeling from catastrophe were being hit again, this time with economic shock treatment, losing their land and homes to rapid-fire corporate makeovers.


The Shock Doctrine retells the story of the most dominant ideology of our time, Milton Friedman s free market economic revolution. In contrast to the popular myth of this movement s peaceful global victory, Klein shows how it has exploited moments of shock and extreme violence in order to implement its economic policies in so many parts of the world from Latin America and Eastern Europe to South Africa, Russia, and Iraq.


At the core of disaster capitalism is the use of cataclysmic events to advance radical privatization combined with the privatization of the disaster response itself. Klein argues that by capitalizing on crises, created by nature or war, the disaster capitalism complex now exists as a booming new economy, and is the violent culmination of a radical economic project that has been incubating for fifty years.


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